GOV. SEWARD'S Speech at Detroit yesterday is given verbatim in our column this morning. In calmness and terseness of statement, in breadth of view and suavity of temper, it contrasts very strongly with the ordinary electioneering efforts. GOV. S. steps square up to the line of the "irrepressible conflict," but serenely, gently, and with the confidence of one who knows well the ground he stands on, and feels sure of it. Compare this speech with the daily fulmications of Douglas, Hunt, Brooks, &c., and judge which is the profound and philosophic statesman, which the shallow and tricky demagogue! The contrast is most instructive, and we trust the largest possible number will be persuaded to read this speech for themselves, and judge it by their own intuition, not by the noisy swash of hostile clamor and misrepresentation. Let GOV. S. speak for himself, and the judgment as between him and his daily defamers cannot be doubtful.
Dear Sir:
I never understood the founders of the Government as regarding Slavery
otherwise than as a temporary and local circumstance, and never a national
institution. Down to the end of Gen. Jackson's Administration, such was the
prevailing and universal judgment, except with the Nullifiers ... [T]o fail the
Nullifiers in a single of their demands, is to forfeit their friendship and
support forever. Although Judge Douglas, to propitiate the South, has declared that "under
this doctrine (of Squatter Sovereignty) they have converted a tract of free
territory into slave territory five times as large as the State of New York," I
do not believe the South are to gain nor the North lose anything by the repeal
of the Missouri restriction. It is very doubtful to my mind whether any
Territorial act of New Mexico, or even law of Congress, can establish Slavery in
that Territory, any more (as has been aptly said) than it can created a slave or
make a king. The Supreme Court may declare to the contrary, but, when its dicta
are absurd, they will be treated, as they have been before, as the sheerest
nullities. Yet, I have no doubt that, notwithstanding the indignation felt at
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, had Mr. Pierce's promise to make the
Territorial Governments fair and impartial been kept, while the result would not
have been different, the country would have acquiesced in the act. This also
goes to show that the popular sovereignty system is unreliable and unsafe.
Pierce made promise after promise, yet broke one after the other. It was not
until the whole North was impelled to set at defiance the Federal Government,
and protect their fellow-citizens in Kansas, that the peaceable inhabitants of
the Territory had security for their lives, liberty, or property. Even in
Nebraska, at a more recent day, a federal Governor has nullified the action of
the people in prohibiting Slavery in that Territory. Are not these illustrations
against any reliance on the Douglas theory, either as a guaranty of
self-government to the Territorial populations, or the settlement of a vexed
question, or of assuring peace to the country?
Note: This is an excerpt from a longer letter.
Thomas B. Carroll.
We invite the attention of the friends of the Republican cause to the following list of documents:
Life and Public Services of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, By D. W. Bartlett. Bound in cloth, with Steel Portrait.
SLAVERY IN HISTORY--By Count Gruowski. The work treats of Slavery as a distinctive social disease, in all times and nations; beginning with Slavery among the ancient Egyptians down to the Russians.
LINCOLN'S AND DOUGLAS'S SPEECHES in the great Illinois Campaign of 1858.
THE LEMMON SLAVE CASE--Full history of the Case, with opinions of the Judges and arguments of Counsel.
THE CASE OF DRED SCOTT
THE TRIBUNE ALMANAC for 1860 contains Popular Vote for President by the States; Return of Elections.
HELPER'S IMPENDING CRISIS OF THE SOUTH (Compendium)
CONNECTICUT WIDE-AWAKE SONGSTER, with the Republican platform.
REPUBLICAN SONGSTER
THE WIDE AWAKE VOCALIST
SHEET MUSIC--"Freedoms's Battle Cry," "Douglas and his Dinah," Locke's "Ship of State," and Locke's "Stephen in Search of his Mother."
REPUBLICAN POCKET PISTOL
Will not our Republican friends aid us to "circulate the documents?" Now is the time when thousands of minds can be reached and influenced. Address THE TRIBUNE, Tribune Buildings, New York.
To the Editor of the N.Y. Tribune:
SIR: I should like to have explained:
In the event of Mr. Lincoln's election, of which no one can seriously entertain a doubt, suppose the Governor, or Judges of his choice should interfere to prevent the spread or introduction of Slavery in the Territory over which they preside, and the slaveholder should contest the question of his right to hold slaves in said Territory, and the question comes before the Supreme Court, will not its decision be in favor of the slaveholder? And will not this establish the right of slaveholders to hold slaves in the Territories? In short, can the people of a Territory, the Governor, Judges, Legislature, or even Congress, prohibit Slavery in the Territories when the Supreme Court decides such interference to be unconstitutional?
Answer.--It is the Federal Government, through the action of its Democratic agents and contractors, that is constantly pushing Slavery into the Territories. Put the Government into Republican hands, and let it exert an influence on the side of Slavery Restriction like that it now exerts on the side of Slavery Extension, and Slavery will gain no more ground, but begin to lose that it already has. It will lose New Mexico under Lincoln as it (practically) lost California under Gen. Taylor. Planters are rarely pioneers in Slavery Extension. Army officers, Army contractors, Mail contractors, Indian Agents, Land Officers, and other Federal functionaries have already planted Slavery in Utah and New Mexico, and will diffuse and fortify it in all Territories if the Government shall remain in Democratic hands. But give us a Republican Administration, and there will soon be no Slavery. And we hope to have all the present Territories admitted as Free States before the close of Mr. Lincoln's term.
We cannot foresee the questions that may be brought before the Supreme Court respecting Slavery in the Territories, and of course cannot predict the decision; yet it is pretty safe to assume that they will be as favorable to Slavery as possible. And yet we believe it practicable to frame an act of Congress declaratory of the Rights of Man in all Federal Territories, that would in effect abolish Slavery, yet which the Supreme Court could not nullify. Ed.
The allied anti-Republicans of our State are hot on the scent of party capital to be made (as they think) out of the question of Negro Suffrage. Of course, if they make a party issue of it, while the Republicans do not, but vote as they severally see fit, they can beat the proposition now before our People. But let a few undeniable facts be set forth:
I. It is a fact that this State has never withheld the Right of Suffrage from Negroes. They have always been entitled to vote, and have voted. Our original State Constitution, formed in 1777, by the Whigs of the Revolutionary struggle, allowed Blacks to vote on precisely the same terms as Whites. The State then was and long remained slaveholding, and of course slaves did not vote--not because they were black, but because they had no property.
II. In 1821, the Constitution was revised, and the Suffrage qualification for Whites lowered, while that for Blacks was raised. Any white citizen who had resided a year in the State, and had paid a tax here, was henceforth a voter; a black must own $250 worth of real estate to do so. In 1826, the Tax qualification for Whites was abolished; the Property Qualification for Blacks was retained, and still is; for no material change was made by the Convention of 1846.
--Understand that the question of allowing or forbidding Negroes to vote in our State is not before the People. Let the result in this Fall be as it may, Negroes will continue to be voters in our State. The simple question to be decided by the People is--Shall a very inconsiderable fraction of our People continue to be deprived of the Right of Suffrage for want of $250 worth of dirt? If so, on what principle? Their black skins do not in any event disenfranchise them: Shall their poverty do so? Poor men! Consider!
III. The Colored Population of our State consists of some fifty thousand persons--at most, a sixtieth part of our population. They are a less considerable fraction of the aggregate than they were fifty years ago. If the Property qualification is swept away, they may possibly give one vote out of sixty polled at any Election, but probably not one in a hundred. Is it wise, for the sake of this infinitesimal fraction, to cherish a glaring anomaly in our political system--one that bases political rights on Property rather than Manhood?
All the mere slang about "Amalgamation," "Nigger Equality," &c., is answered by the single fact that Negroes are voters here now, and always have been. Two strongly Democratic Conventions have revised our State Constitution within the last forty years, without seeing fit to disenfranchise them, as either might have done. All the danger of "Negro Governors," "Negro Juries," &c., that can be conjured up, has always existed. Negroes not only always could vote in our State but always did; and we never heard of any bad result therefrom, unless it was when their votes made Washington Hunt Governor. That was a single occurrence, standing out by itself; and the best may blunder once. We did then, so did many others.
We shall vote to abolish the Property qualification, and base Suffrage strictly on Manhood; others will do so as they think best. All we ask is that ballots For and Against the proposed Amendment be fairly distributed by all parties, and let each man vote as to him shall seem best.
Note: This is an excerpt from a longer article.
Henry Clay Dean is making Douglas speeches in Iowa. Dean was once chaplain of the Senate. On a recent occasion he was repelling the charge that the Democratic party had ever misappropriated the public money. "Tell me," said he, "who can, where the Democratic party had ever misapplied a dollar." "I can tell!" said a piping voice at the rear of the hall. "Stand up, then," cried Dean, "and let us hear your answer." Up popped the owner of the voice. "Now, Sir, tell me if you can, where a dollar has been wasted?" "When the Democratic Senate paid Henry Clay Dean for his prayers!" was the reply that brought down the house.
It is now fully demonstrated, that to this State, at the approaching election, are committed the destinies of our common country. Emphatically, as the State of New York shall go, so will go the Union.
Governor Morgan of this State has declared that Lincoln "is already elected," and that what remains to be done, in the deliberate voting of the people of this State, is but a formal act, to execute an irrevocable Republican decree.
We find the people of the Southern States of the Confederacy already in a condition of alarm and intense excitement--the business relations between the two sections of the Union at once almost entirely arrested, and a condition of feeling produced among our brethren of the South calculated to excite the gravest apprehensions as to the consequences, in the minds of all reflecting citizens who treasure the welfare of their country.
If the Republicans conquer in this contest, the South will be wholly without representation in the executive branch of the General Government. We shall not stop to enter into any argument to show to what logical consequences the doctrine of the "irrepressible conflict" leads, nor to dwell upon the Republican principle of "all slave or all free"--they are as palpable as the maxims of the "higher law," and have been too often expounded by their authors to require elaboration or comment. They are principles which point with destroying hand, in but one direction.
This great commercial city, true to the interest and duty which it owes to the union of the States, which is the foundation of its growth, its power, and its prosperity, will give an overwhelming vote against Lincoln and Republicanism. This State has ever been conservative and loyal to the Union. New York has never yet given a majority on the whole vote in favor of Republicanism, and we firmly believe she never will.
Note: This is an excerpt from a longer article.
German fellow-citizens, be on your guard. Stand firm for Lincoln and Liberty. Be not frightened into voting the Fusion ticket by the parasites of Slavery. They will tell you that the present scarcity of work for Southern clothing houses is owing to the anticipated election of Mr. Lincoln. This is false. Some of our manufacturers are getting up small stocks, not expecting a heavy trade with the South next Spring in consequence of the scarcity of money and shortness of crops; others, we are led to believe, are holding off to starve you into submission to their wishes. They want you to vote for the Fusion ticket and they will give you no work till after election, thus trying to make you believe there will be no work if Mr. Lincoln is elected. Bosh! Money will be used between now and election to induce you to vote for Fusion. Stand firm, and let these creatures find that you are men and not tools for base asses like themselves.
To the Editor of the N. Y. Tribune
A few days since I met on the Fulton Ferry a gentleman whom I have known as a prominent member of the American party. In a conversation on the prominent topic, he said: "I shall vote for Lincoln; Messrs. Brooks & Co. may make as many bargains as they will; I refuse to be delivered." This day on the boat I met a friend whom I have known as a persistent Democrat. He volunteered the following: "My partner and myself are and have always been Democrats. This time we both intend to vote for Lincoln, and we do so because we are sick and tired of this cry of disunion. If that is to come, let it come now." Today a gentleman who has for years been a violent Native, said in my presence: "The American party is a dead cock in the pit. I shall work and vote for Lincoln."
One word more. Are we of the North electors, or are we not? If yes, shall we vote in accordance with our honest convictions, or shall we be frightened by the unmeaning threats of a handful of Dry-Goods Jobbers, Stock Brokers and Federal office-holders?
Byron says, "It is a base abandonment of reason, to resign our right of thought."
Let every man conscientiously perform his duty in this matter and abide the result.