"The noisy chivalry of the south, who have heretofore monopolized the public attention by their eternal boasting of superior courage and powers in war, are beginning to prove by their own conduct, that they are among the most arrant knaves and coward in Christendom. They have at last become subjects for the jeers of the people of the world, who regard their conduct as a result entirely unexpected from gentlemen born to such high distinction as has always been claimed for the people of the south. The press of the country also indulges its lucubrations over the bitter hypocrisy of the southern fire-eaters, and in the most becoming language, a contemporary asks whether it is not a humiliating fact for the gallant, the indomitable, the invincible chivalry of the gulf states, who were born almost with rifles in their hands, who practiced gunnery and horsemanship in swaddling clothes, and grew up into such walking arsenals, that each man of them could launch a siege of ten Yankees to scorn; who were to be such thunderbolts in war that they would sweep victorious over every battle field, sack Philadelphia, seize the money chests of New York, and encamp their armies on the three hills of Boston -- we say, is it not humiliating to find these terrible sons of thunder retreating everywhere before their long-despised and vilified enemies, and crying pitifully before the world that all they want is `peace' - all they want is to be `let alone.'
But such is generally the ignoble end of the braggart's career. True courage is never loud- mouthed and ostentatious. It is modest, gentle and silent. And in the clash of `cold steel' and the sulphurous smell of `gun powder' which Jeff Davis so lately and so indecently promised the loyal men of the north, it will be seen where the truest courage is found.
In the meantime, it is worth while to note that the `invincible' secessionists no longer look to their wonderful warriors to win them the victory, but are turning, with despairing eyes to England and France, to break the chains with which their limbs are already bound."
"There seems to be a disposition among certain members of Congress to use the present crisis to attack the revenue laws, and is possible, inure the prospects of the producing classes of the country. By a vote in the House of Representatives yesterday; it was decided not to consider any subject irrelevant to the war. This was of course proper, and in accordance with the purpose for which the present extra session was convened, but we can scarcely consider it fair and just that the present tariff should be assailed to gratify the speculations and put poses of the importing interests of the commercial cities of the Union. There are great interests involved in the revenue laws as they now exist, interests that were just gathering strength and importance when this rebellion burst forth to blast not only them but others equally as important. If they are to be given up to the merciless competition of foreign pauper labor, an evil almost as great as that of rebellion will develop itself in our midst, and when we have crushed the rebels and ended our struggle for the government, we will find more woe in our ruined industrial interests than could have been found in the triumph of treason.
Whatever may be our wants, the revenue laws as they now exist, should e sacredly guarded, and any alteration avoided as likely to create great future injury in return for any present uncertain assistance. The strength of the nation is vested in the prosperity of its industrial interests. Destroy these, or place them in unfair positions or illiberal competition, and we impair not only the prospects of communities, but we arrest the prosperity of the nation itself."
"There are those who speak of the war as if they had no personal interest in the result of it, or in the object sought to be attained by it. And yet the perpetuity of the government and the integrity of the Union are objects as vital to them as to those who favor a vigorous prosecution of the war. The manifestation of loyalty is not more binding upon a republican than upon a democrat; and the duty of preserving the government is as obligatory upon the one as upon the other. The Union is an inheritance in which every citizen has an equal share, and the man who feels or professes indifference to the means used to preserve it, because he had no part in electing those to whom the people have confided the administration of its affairs, is equally deficient in sense and patriotism.
A Republican has no more at stake in the Union than a Democrat. And yet we hear the remark, every day, that this is a `Republican war; and Republicans may fight its battles.' But every man of sense knows that it is the war of no party; but a war waged by traitors to destroy, and prosecuted by patriots to preserve the government. If the continuance of the government is desirable at all, it is desirable to all alike. And if any man holds back because his party is not in power, he is but a step behind those who are in open rebellion.
There are those who thus hold back, and for this reason. These are, however, we are glad to know `few and far between.' The masses of all parties at the north, are in perfect accord in regard to the necessity and propriety of vigorously prosecuting the war to restore and preserve the Union. But there are more in sympathy with treason than there should be; and there are more than there should be who allow their party prejudices to interfere with their patriotic impulses.
If the Union should be permanently dissolved, or the Government destroyed, or weakened, Democrats would suffer equally with the Republicans. It would be a loss to the world. Democrats equally with Republicans, should, therefore, cooperate in whatever plans are best adapted to achieve the end desired. This is felt by the half-million valiant men who, without a thought of party, have entered the field. It is felt, also, by the millions ready to sacrifice fortune and life rather than see the noble inheritance bequeathed to them by their fathers cloven down by the fratricidal hands raised against its existence.
They mistake the temper of the people who believe it possible to induce them to be indifferent to the issues of the contest in order to punish those to whom they may be politically opposed. If those who took sides against liberty in `76 were held in abhorrence, and if the memory of those who arrayed themselves against the war of 1812, is dishonored - what measure of infamy awaits those who shall, in this contest for the preservation of the Union, array themselves against those who are for the Union, and with those who are seeking to destroy it? Let them take counsel from the past, and beware!"