"Democracy, once so skilled in gunnery, appears to have lost one at least, if not all three, of its ancient qualities. It seems to be failing in eyesight, nerve and judgment. It can now hit the mark neither by point blank shots, nor by the ricochet, or glancing fire. If we were inclined to pun on a most punishable party, we should say that its archers had lost their archness, and its fouled players had forgotten the art of fowling. If disposed for fun, we would quote a famous couplet, with purposed incorrectness, but perfect adaptation:
`Its gun, when aimed at duck or plover Kicks back and knocks the gunner over'
Its organs already begin to vilify Abraham Lincoln, party as having been a poor illiterate, plebian boy, and partly as a man of only third rate ability. In point of policy we do not desire toe cessation of such assaults, for every one of them will recoil on the assailants with terrible effect. But, through contrary to the interest of the Opposition, we should like to see an end of such warfare, both for the fair fame of the country, and also that Democracy, one of its leading parties, and the one that professed itself especially the poor man's friend, may preserve some semblance of decency and respect.
Abram Lincoln was undoubtedly, a poor lad, of plain Pennsylvania origin, and at the age of twenty had to split rails in the western wilderness for an honest livelihood. But, if our memory serves us, Benjamin Franklin was a journeyman printer, Roger Sherman was a shoemaker; Andrew Jackson was a very poor boy; Henry Clay used to take wheat, two bushels at a time of horseback, to the neighboring mill; Tom Corwin was a wagon boy, and Stephen A. Douglas, the candidate of the democratic party, at Charleston, by a vote of about seven to four, was first a joiner and afterwards a statesman. But why amplify on so plain a point? The very corner stone of our whole political edifice is, that the penniless lad or man shall have the chance of rising, and if he rise through fair means and by native force, he shall have honor and reward."
The town of Madison, in Lake county, has been thrown into great excitement by the elopement of a white woman and a full-blooded negro, which occurrence took place on Sunday night last. The lady is about thirty years old, of more than ordinary intelligence and of very fair appearance. Her husband is one of the wealthiest farmers in Lake county. We suppress his name as the affair has nearly driven him mad. About a year ago he employed a full-blooded negro. An abolitionist of the Gerrit Smith school, the farmer took the African into his family on terms of perfect equality - Of late he has noticed, with feelings which we need not attempt to describe, a growing intimacy between his wife and the negro. He spoke to her about it, but she succeeded in quieting his suspicions for a time. On Sunday night she arose from bed, leaving her husband asleep, and fled with the African. Strangely enough, they did not leave the country, or the town even, only going some five miles from the woman's late home. There they sought shelter at the house of some friends of hers, and there they were at last accounts. The woman left her young child with its father. There is talk of riding the negro on a rail, and great excitement prevails. The woman assumed a bold face and says she has a perfect right to run away with a negro if she wants to, no matter if he be as black as the Ace of Spades. An abolition sentiment and an abolition literature has prevailed in the farmer's house for years. This elopement is the legitimate result."
"There is no sounder Tariff man in the country than ABRAHAM LINCOLN, and the Protectionists of Pennsylvania can support him with the fullest confidence.... Mr. LINCOLN has been a consistent and earnest tariff man from the first hour of his entering public life. He is such from principle, and from a deeply rooted conviction of the wisdom of the protective policy; and whatever influence he may hereafter exert upon the government will be in favor of that policy."
"The Opposition go into this contest with certain principles so well defined, so succinctly set forth, that a wayfaring man, though a Democracy, cannot fail to know and recognize them. We fight the battle of Free White American Labor; and our adversaries cannot shirk the issue any more than they can prove the fallacy of the principle involved. We say to the government, give us protection to our labor that we may advance the national prosperity by developing the unbounded resources of the county. We say to the South, keep your domestic institutions, if you choose; we desire not to infringe on your rights or to disturb you in your domestic relations, but we demand equal courtesy at your hands. You must not carry your blighting institution of Slavery in the public Territories to compete with, degrade and impoverish our White Labor. You are protected in your system of servitude at home, but we cannot permit you to inflict its evils upon the virgin soil of the Territories. By so doing, you would be impairing our rights, striking a deadly blow at our interests, and doing that which is calculated to perpetuate a social system fraught with many and fearful evils. We simply desire that it shall not be allowed to spread its baleful ramifications throughout the Republica. Keep your negroes at home, gentlemen, and if you choose to go into the Territories, do as we do. - In this matter we only ask for equal terms. We cannot nor will not take slaves upon these new lands; neither can you. We can work with our own hands or procure the labor of others, at remunerative wages: you can do the same. We not only offer you equal terms in this respect, but we invite you to the free West, and would give you homes when you reach it. This is one of the beneficent measures to advance which our party is committed by the platform. What greater encouragement to industry - or more healthy stimulant to honest ambition! We say to the emigrant, whether from the States or from the old world, come and make these broad lands by peaceful industry, to blossom as the rose; and they shall be yours and your children's forever, merely for the asking. These are two or three of the cardinal principles of the party which is seeking to establish its policy in the elevation of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, and Hannibal Hamlin to Vice Presidency.
To sum up these leading doctrines, they are: The non-extension of Slavery, but a sacred regard for the sovereign rights of each State. Adequate protection and encouragement to American Labor, but not prohibitory duties on foreign products - a judicious Tariff system. Free Homes for the People. Internal improvements. A rigid Economy in the Administration of the Government; and a just foreign policy. Here we have all that is really worth contending for; and we have it clearly set before us. No one can longer say that we have no distinctive principles - that we are not a great National Party - or that the end we seek or the tendency of our organization is other than the welfare of our common country. To aid, then, in the good cause we have undertaken, we call upon all good citizens, confident that Providence can but smile upon well directed effort."