GENTLEMEN: -- I have the pleasure to inform you that it is the opinion of many highly respectable and influential citizens here that this city will be the theatre of the bloodiest fights that have ever disgraced christendom, if something is not done very shortly to appease the South. Already a Mr. Karigan has 10,000 men ready to aid the South. It only requires the signal to shoulder arms. Be in readiness to tear up your Railroads at proper time. Keep drilling your men in all sections of Virginia, and by-and-by we will have things all right, trampling the lying, thieving, white-faced Republicans under foot. Cut the knot that binds you to a party looked upon in all parts of the world as tricksters and liars.
When the old Confederacy had in the opinion of some of the States, failed to effect the objects for which it was formed, or forefathers, like sensible men, set about its reformation without any threats of coercion or talk of war. They assembled a Convention, which formed the present Constitution and provided for a Union when ratified by nine States, and between all the States ratifying. There was as much objection to the old Confederation as there is now to the present Union, and there was as much opposition to its dissolution as exists at present against the disintegration of the present Confederacy. But, not withstanding all this, our forefathers preceeded with their work, and brought peace and a Constitution which won the admiration of the world, the nullifying States of the North excepted.
We know no reason why the example of our forefathers cannot be followed at the present time -- why a Convention outside of the present Constitution, and appointed by the State Legislatures, cannot assemble forthwith and prepare a Constitution to be submitted to all the States, and binding between the first ten, twelve, or fifteen States that ratify it.
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The rush of events is fast hurrying the final dissolution of the Confederacy; the excitement increases as despatch after despatch is made public, and subsidies into deeper resentment and more determined resistance. Men -- who a few months ago were Union men -- soon become co-operationists, and are now the earnest advocates of separate State resistance. Teh whole mind of the State is fast accepting the only alternative left -- that of separate State action. All hope of preserving the present Union has been abandoned by the people of Virginia; and while they earnestly desire that its dissolution may be peaceable, and that reconstruction may speedily follow, they will not be unprepared for war, if that dread alternative is tendered by the North.
Separate State action is necessary before that effectual co-operation can be had, which alone can produce reconstruction -- and if the Northern people are not hopelessly blinded by teh fanaticism that pervades their communities, they will recognize in the peaceable secession of South Carolina and other States the only hope of subsequent reconstruction.
The Federal Government, while powerless to prevent dissolution, is not, under Mr. Buchanan at least, without great capacity to effect a reconstruction of hte States in to a durable and permanent confederacy. It is, indeed, to be hoped, that Mr. Buchanan has realized the fact that dissolution is inevitable, and that his whole duty centres in the preservation of the peace. Had he early recognized the causes of the country's troubles as existing between the States,, and that for their settlement the General Government was powerless, he might have opened the way, first for peaceable dissolution and next for reconstruction.
He has not thought proper to withdraw the forms of law from over those States in which he acknowledges it is impossible to execute them, and yet has declared it unconstitutional to coerce a State. The telegraph announces that, to all the wrongs already perpetuated upon South Carolina, he has superadded insults to her Peace Commissioners.
If this be true, Mr. Buchanan has fully gone over to the coercionists, and it matters very little whether they be Black Republicans or Democrats. He has driven from his Cabinet the representatives of the South, and taken to his councils Gen. Scott, brim full of malice and hatred towards the people of the South -- a man who has the vanity to suppose, that in the anarchy which sectional war will introduce, he may become Dictator a la Napoleon. Mr. Buchanan has thus assumed the responsibility of inaugurating civil war. If he finds any consolation in this exploit, there wil be none to dispute his claim to the exucrations with which his name will be embalmed.
Those who desire the re-construction of the Republic and the preservation of the peace, turn now to the Senate. Without its connivance in the folly and wickedness of Mr. Buchanan, the President's war will still be a failure. Having succeeded in emptying the treasury, he has deprived himself of the sinews of war, and unless the Senate has become also a tool of Gen. Scott, it may not only prevent war, but by adjourning and the returning home of Northern Democrats and Southern Senators, if they cannot succeed in the recommendation of the "National Intelligencer" to withdraw all Federal authority from over the seceding States, they may, by disorganizing the Government, give time and opportunity to mediation which may result in permanent and durable peace.
No Southern man, of any party, should remain in Washington, where his presence, by making a quorum, may involve his own people in the horrors of civil war. The Northern Democrats, who no longer have any confidence in Mr. Lincoln or in Mr. Buchanan, but who still desire the preservation of peace for the reconstruction of the government, should also vacate their seats, and leave the Government disorganized.
The postponement of civil war, and the prevention of the official announcement of the late Presidential election by the Vice President, will give time for the States to assemble in Convention, publish a plan of Union, and submit it to the people of all the States for ratification.
Mr. Buchanan's conduct, if reported correctly by the telegraph, is an effort to enlist the entire North against the Southern States, and to confront the sections in array of civil war. If successful in this well-planned scheme for universal anarchy, he will have earned an infamy unparalleled in the annals of history. Will the Senate of the United States lend themselves to such a treasonable purpose?
In mourning all our daughters stand,
A cry goes wailing through the land,
Such as the cry of beasts who feel
The quaking earth beneath them reel.*
Abroad the terror hardly shows;
The tide of ? still onward flows;
The
last wave of its failing source
Not yet has reached us in its course.
Friend heeds not friend upon th estreet,
Or halts a moment as they meet;
And hand grasps hand as 'twere a sword.
The eye tells all without a
word.
But when the household, gathering night
Restores our treasures to our
sight,
And shows how much we have to lose,
Then terror draws its
loosened noose.
The mother gazes on her son,
And feels the shock of war begun;
Or
trembles for her daughter's fate;
Fear will not let its coming wait.
She dares not hope that death will spare,
All her beloved darlings there;
But counts them over silently,
Nor knows which precious one 'twill be.
All joy is gone, all hope is fled,
And every heart is full of dread.
The air is darkened with its wings,
Nose know what woe the future
brings.
Oh, North! thy hand this woe has wrought,
This evil on us all has
brought.
Yet hope not thou shalt scatheless be;
Behold, this is thy
penalty.
When labor's wheel shall cease to turn,
When famine's fire begins to
burn;
When starving babes shall beg for bread,
Till parents bless, not
weep their dead;
When want and crime shall seek relief,
And men too hardened grow for
grief,
Till misery laughs in misery's face;
When shame shall flaunt its
own disgrace;
When famished multitudes shall flood,
The barricaded streets with blood;
When rocking anarchy begins,
Then falleth vengeance on thy sins.
*It is said that beasts feel the approach of an earthquake, and in their alarm utter the most piteous of crys.
The legislatures of New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, have tendered men and money to the General Government, to coerce and subjugate Virginia, should the Convention of her sovereign people determine that secession is the only safety of the State. The action of those States, intended to be offensive and degrading, was deliberately and determinedly made at the very moment of intensest excitement, to show the authorities of Virginia that they condemn and despise the slave States, and are determined to degrade them into conquered provinces.
The unnecessary and wicked action of those States should open the eyes of the people to Virginia, to the purpose and disposition of the three largest Northern States. This tender of men and money to coerce and subjugate sovereign States, has increased the difficulties of adjustment, and should cause the manhood of Virginia to shrink from the debasement of offering any compromise, or even intimating a willingness to compromise with States that gratuitously offer the Southern States another insult. The Legislature of Virginia having called the people of the State together on Convention, are, as to all maters of compromise and ultimatum, functus officio -- the people in Convention assembled, are the only power authorized to submit any ultimatum. The Legislature has no power, and will be treated with contempt by the Republicans -- which will only aggravate and intensify the feeling in Virginia. We have no idea that the Convention of Virginia will ever agree to any compromise that has not been previously adopted by the Northern States in an authoritative and binding manner. Virginia will never tie herself to a Northern Confederacy, which may be rejected by her Southern Sisters. The North must first adopt such amendments asthey are willing to abide by, and these being submitted to all the Southern States must be agreed to by all of them. Virginia will patch up no compromise and agree to no amendments as long as the Northern States, by such action as that taken by New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, deny the fundamental principle of consent of the governed to the government upon which this Union was formed. The sovereignty of the States, the rights of the States and the remedies of the States, have been assailed and denied, and all must be admitted and provided for in any amendments that Virginia can agree to. -- She will compromise into the Constitution no precedent which may, at some future day, arise in judgment against her people, or some other State. The tender of men and money to coerce and subjugate sovereign States, is consolidation and federalism more odious than ? and written laws, because directed not only against individual liberty, but is subversive of the sovereignty of the States.
Virginia cannot, and will not, agree to any such compromise as the Crittenden amendment; because it is not one that of itself and by ? self action, protects and guaranties the Southern States in the ? of their constitutional rights. The following, from a respected correspondent, gives the true and only basis of compromise.
In pursuance of a call addressed to the workingmen of Richmond, some 1500 of our citizens assembled at the African Church, at 71/2 P.M., on Wednesday last. The meeting was promptly organized, Mr. Thos. H. Wynne, Chairman, and a committee of fifteen was promptly appointed to prepare resolutions, and immediately retired for that purpose. Calls were then made for different speakers, who declined addressing the meeting, most of them avowing that they had come as workingmen, only to assist in the business of the meeting.
A motion was then made for the appointment of a committee of three, to invite Mr. John Minor Botts to address the meeting. The motion met with vehement opposition, but finally a vote being taken, the chairman was of opinion that the "ayes" had a majority. Division being called for, great difficulty was found in obtaining a count in so crowded an assemblage; but from the best count that could be taken, the chair decided that the motion was adopted, and accordingly appointed a committee of three to wait on Mr. Botts. Several short and earnest speeches were made, the last of which was interrupted by the entrance of the committee of fifteen, who read an admirable report, strongly Southern in its sentiments. Some disorder was occasioned by objections made to the resolutions -- which were laid on the table, we believe, with a view to their being taken up when order should be restored. Another set of resolutiosn were offered, and were also tabled. At this point in the proceedings, Mr. Botts entered the hall, took his place on the stand, and attempted to speak. Whereupon, a member rose and proposed, that whereas a committee of three had been appointed to bring Mr. Botts in, another committee of the same number be appointed to carry him out, and at once. This proposal was hailed with enthusiastic applause. Mr. Botts attempted to speak, but was silenced by cries of "no!" "no!" Mr. Botts assumed a dignified attitude, which gave rise to new shouts with much merriment,. Mr. Botts lost his temper, gesticulated violently, and denounced the meeting as a "mob." -- This raised the excitement to a climax.
It is scarcely necessary for us to say that Mr. Botts was wrong to lose his temper. He sought to have expected nothing better than the treatment he received. Until his appearance, the meeting went on very comfortably, with occasional disorder, indeed, but not more than is generally witnessed in crowded public meetings. And we are humbly of opinion that the working men of Richmond could not have vindicated their dignity and patriotism, under the circumstances, in any better manner than by refusing to permit Mr. Botts to deliver another of his incendiary addresses. For our own part, we should regret very much to see a Richmond audience, in a crisis like the present, quietly listen to a speech either from Wm. R. Seward or John M. Botts.
Mr. Botts was obliged to take his seat, from whence he suggested, in an audible whisper, that the meeting be adjourned and a meeting of "friends of the Union" be called. Such a motion was made, a vote taken in th emidst of much disorder, and the chairman pronounced the meeting adjourned and relinquished the chair. On motion, Mr. Wynne was again called to the chair, on assuming which he restored order, and informed the meeting that this being now, as he understood it, a meeting of the friends of the Union as it now exists, he was unwilling to preside over or participate in the action of such a meeting, and would hold the chair only until another Chairman could be appointed.
A motion was then made and carried for the immediate adjournment of the "Union meeting," and Mr. Wynne again vacated the chair. Mr. Botts, meanwhile, had put on his overcoat and retired from the hall.
After some delay the meeting was again organized, and many citizens having left, it was thought best not to proceed with the business first proposed, but to adjourn over, a committee being appointed to secure the Hall for another meeting. Good order was restored, and several speeches were made on the present state of political affairs.
One of the gentlemen appointed on the last named committee desired the withdrawal of his name, briefly announcing will put reasons to teh following effect: that he was opposed to any attempt to draw a line of distinction, political or social, between the working men and any other description of citizens; that we ought to recognize no distinction of "classes," in political action; that as fellow-citizens we are equals, and ought to act together; that th eworking men are perfectly competent, individually, to maintain their dignity and equality; that he know of none of our citizens who possessed either the power or the desire to deprive working men of this equality; that in this country there is no necessity, such as exists under aristocratic governments, for separate political organization or action on the part of working men. Finally, that such separate action would breed useless jealousies and contention in the community.
The meeting adjourned, in good order, at about 11 o'clock, P.M.
Chords of love and kindly feeling
Union! anthems might forever,
Would you quell this storm alarming,
Would you all our stars combining,
Fellow-citizens:-- In a few days you will be called upon to decide the most momentuous question, which has ever been submitted to your judgment. The issues before our fathers in '76 was liberty or death? Before you, it is war or peace?
What is conservatism? A few months ago the question could be answered definitely -- to conserve the value of the States.
But, what is it now? Is it to conserve a union already broken? Is it to conserve a Government, that is making war upon the Southern States -- a Government which is converting the Capitol into a military encampment, to inaugurate a President by force?
Is it to conserve a Union with States who have offered men and money to carry on a war against the slaveholding States? Ohio and Pennsylvania, New York and Massachusetts have offered hundreds of thousands of men, and millions of money to wage war with you and your sister States of the South. What peace, what happiness could there be in such a union if it could be preserved? But it cannot, except in your subjugation. When we offer terms of compromise they are rejected with disdain. When we present the olive branch, they draw the sword. The disruption of the Union is already accomplished, It cannot be re united while we remain under its power. What, then, is conservatism for Virginia now?
It is to secure a peaceful dissolution. Shall we have peace, or civil war? The answer to the question will be given by you on Monday next. If you so vote as to secure the immediate secession of our State, you will preserve the peace. If we have a united South, the North will not be so mad as to commence a civil war which will be the bloodiest in the history of the world. If you hesitate, the Military government at Washington will probably attack the States which have already seceded. You are pledged to aid you Southern brethren in a war which few of you may live to see the end of.
True conservatism demands: First, that you vote for delegates to the Convention, who are in favor of immediate secession! Second, that you vote against referring the action of the Convention to the people! Such a reference would bring us under the power of the Black Republican Government. May you be guided by wisdom from above, and may God defend the right.
The action of the seceded States, to the extend which it has gone, has already accomplished much good. Whatever may be the diversity of opinion as to the merits of the mode of resistance which they have adopted, none can deny that it has proved an effectual mode -- effectual for their own security from further invasion -- effectual to arouse, to cheer and animate to the work of effectual resistance in some form, the will and the efforts of all true and efficient men in the border States of the South. Much force has been given to this movement of resistance to Black Republican wrong, by the prompt confederation of these seceded States; by their joint refusal to re-open the African slave trade; by the indication of their loyal devotion to the form and spirit of the Constitutional compact which, to their honor be it remembered, these States have never violated, collectively or separately, in any particular whatever; and to which, when forced to vindicate its obligations by an act of separation from faithless confederates, they have still preferred to conform the federal government and inter State relations of their newly erected Confederacy; finally, by elevating to the Chief Magistracy of this new Confederacy a brave and honest man, alike distinguished service in the Executive Cabinet, the Legislative Hall, and well trained in military science and experience, well tested in actual and arduous service.
To this extent, the work of the seceded States has been wisely conceived and admirable executed. But there is more, much more for them yet to do, which, to be well done should be executed, without delay, in the same spirit of firm moderation and deliberate promptitude. These States have made a good commencement -- but it is only a commencement; as step which has not fulfilled, but has merely placed them in attitude properly adapted to the due fulfillment of the heavy responsibility which they have so nobly undertaken.
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