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Black Confederate
Participation: “…And after the battle of Gettysburg in July
1863, …reported among the rebel prisoners were seven blacks in Confederate
uniforms fully armed as soldiers…” -New York Herald, July 11, 1863.
(1) I.
Introduction
As far back as the American Revolution,
African Americans have fought in every conflict this country has been
engaged in. A number of
authors have studied the participation which blacks played for the Union
and Confederate governments during the Civil War. Most of these writers have focused
on the Union army since it employed a large number of blacks as soldiers
during the conflict. “When
authors do cover the Confederate side, they usually limit their coverage
to the free blacks of New Orleans who formed a regiment of “Native Guards”
for the Louisiana militia and the Confederate effort late in the war to
employ slaves as soldiers” (2).
Civil War historians have not given these blacks their due
recognition, and have left the truth of their involvement for the
Confederacy covered in obscurity and confusion. As many as 90,000 blacks, slave and free, were
employed in some capacity by the Confederate army. The majority of these men fall
into two categories, as military laborers or body servants. The fact that some Southern blacks
might have played an important role for the South is a very controversial
issue. Scholars have avoided
the difficult task of linking any blacks to the Southern war effort. One of the main reasons they
choose not to attempt this is because they are afraid of confronting the
great paradox that exists.
Why would any slaves or free blacks work towards a Southern victory
when this war was seen as one to sustain blacks’ enslavement and
degradation? The point of
this paper is to seek out exactly what kind of role any blacks, free or
slave, served in the South during the war and to examine the reasons why
they would support the Southern war cause. The Louisiana Native Guards demonstrate what
free blacks, from Louisiana, thought about the Confederacy. The Louisiana Native Guards was a
militia regiment comprised of 1400 black men and officers, “who offered
their services to Dixie” in April of 1861 (3). The following year 3000 black men
and officers organized themselves into the 1st Native Guard of
Louisiana. These
pro-Confederate blacks formed for the protection of New Orleans. After parading through the city
they were described in the newspaper as “rebel Negroes…well drilled…and
uniformed” (4). Historians
argue the Native Guards were a unique circumstance. The difference between Louisiana
and the rest of the South was its peculiar tri-racial system. The state of Louisiana was home to
a population, which was different than the rest of the country’s. The population consisted of many
Spanish and “Creole” families.
It was easier for Louisiana to accept these men for military
service. For that reason
historians like to separate the free “blacks” in that state from the rest
of the free blacks in the South.
Many other states had blacks volunteer their services, and some
states accepted these volunteers.
There were slaves in Alabama who were organized as soldiers in the
fall of 1861. There were also
60 free blacks in Virginia who formed their own company and marched to
Richmond to volunteer their services to help in the war effort. “Several companies of free Negroes
offered their services to the Confederacy Government early in the war”
(5). The War Department
decided they wouldn’t be needed at this time so they sent them home. II.
Body Servants and
Laborers
Body servants consisted of slaves or free
blacks. They were between the
ages of sixteen and sixty.
They accompanied both Confederate soldiers and officers into the
war. “Body servants in a
continuation of the master-slave relationship, tended their wounded
soldiers, sometimes escorting their bodies home and occasionally fought in
battles” (6). The number of
body servants in the Confederate army was considerable in the early days
of the war. The jobs of the
body servants varied greatly.
An officer’s servant was expected to keep the officer’s quarters
clean, to wash the clothes, brush uniforms, polish swords and buckles, and
to run errands, such as going to the commissary and getting rations. The servant was supposed to look
after his master’s horse, making sure it was well groomed and well
fed. It was the duty of one
of these servants to have the horse ready in the morning by the time the
officer was ready to ride. Slaves who came from plantations with their
owners were the most loyal under difficult incidents. “Negroes who had been treated well
before the start of the war were more faithful during the most trying days
of the conflict” (7). In many
cases, soldiers and servants had been childhood playmates. The result of this was a genuine
affection for each other, which further cemented during the shared
hardships brought on by the war.
“No other slaves had as good opportunities for desertion and
disloyalty as the body servants, but none were more loyal” (8). A personal servant would have been chosen from
among the slaves that had been affiliated with the family for a long
time. For that reason these
slaves often felt a responsibility for the protection of their master when
going into the war. The
owners of body servants respected the devotion and loyalty displayed by
their black servants. “Owners
frequently made provisions for their servants freedom, and after the war
blacks dressed in “Confederate Gray” were among the most honored veterans
in attendance at soldiers reunions” (9). Blacks fought because they were loyal to their
masters. From a servant’s
perspective their life as a body servant was less burdensome than field
slavery. Slavery was an
oppressive institution and the war offered them previously denied
options. Unlike the
plantation in camp the Confederate servants had ample time to hang out
with other blacks. Black
soldiers (servants) ate the same food as the officers did. These servants were the best-fed
soldiers in the Confederate army.
They could also play cards and when given the chance they would
sneak away with other blacks to some obscure location and play dice. Servants were able to obtain
whiskey, either from their master or on one of their foraging
missions. “Servants had
opportunities to earn money on the side from any number of way” (10). They were allowed to charge small
amounts for washing clothes for men in their company. They made money for running
errands and sold what they were able to pick up off the battlefield. Making money was just one reason
blacks would sign up to work for the Confederacy. Black servants, many who were excellent
musicians and good singers, kept the soldiers spirits up in camp. “When life became sad or
monotonous for Jeb Stuart’s officers, they frequently built a roaring
fire, formed a large circle, and had the servants dance and sing to the
music of the banjo” (11).
Soldiers who had come from plantations knew about their slaves
musical talents—a fact, which might explain why a few body servants were
called on to, be musicians for the units to which their masters
belonged. Blackbody servants fought in battles for the
Confederacy. A newspaper
correspondent from the New Orleans Daily Crescent, reporting on one
of the early battles of the war stated a servant named Levin Graham
refused to stay in camp during a fight, “but obtained a musket, fought
manfully, and killed four of the Yankees himself” (12). Furthermore “Captain George Baylor
told the story of two body servants who had supplied themselves with
equipment left on the field by Federals at the battle of Brandy
Station. These two servants
joined in the company charges and succeeded in capturing a Yankee and
brought him back to camp as a prisoner” (13). Robin, a black servant with the Stonewall
Brigade, demonstrates black patriotism. According to the newspaper the
Richmond Whig, he was imprisoned for a time away from his master
and then offered his freedom on the condition he take an oath and swear
allegiance to the United States.
Robin stated, in the Richmond Whig, “I will never disgrace my
family by such an oath” (14).
After the siege of Vicksburg there were servants who were captured
along with their masters who could have had their freedom. But instead of their freedom they
chose to share in the cruelties of the northern prisons with which they
had been serving in the Confederate army. Free blacks voluntarily became body servants
for wages and whatever other advantages they might negotiate. Self-preservation was the
paramount objective for the free blacks who offered their services as
servants. Free blacks in the
South knew there was a difference between them and the slave population,
they saw this as a way to separate themselves even further from the slave
class. “Being a body servant
enabled individual “Afro-Confederate” males to embellish their Confederate
allegiance by publicly integrating themselves with Confederates”
(15). The free blacks stood
ready to imitate the white class in its patriotism and loyalty, believing
this was a way to attain priviligese previously denied to them and to
prove they were superior over the slaves. Unlike the life of a body servant the
experience for black laborers working on Confederate defenses was
excessively harsh and physically exhausting. Especially during the winter
months, when they were fighting with constant exposure while building
batteries or earthworks. “The
tedious work of digging, shoveling, and heaving earth, as well as the
erection of massive embankments demanded tremendous physical stamina”
(16). The principal object of the defensive works
was to protect Confederate troops from enemy fire and to allow the
Confederate soldiers to deliver their own fire with devastating
consequences. “Union soldiers…sallied up to Rebel breastwork that were often impregnable. They began to
complain, finding the Negro with his pick and
spade, a greater hindrance to their progress
than the Rebel’s cannon balls” (17).
Therefore to triumphantly repulse Union attacks the army needed
satisfactorily constructed entrenchments.
The blacks’ brawn and skill were key elements of Confederate
transportation and fortification.
That is why in summer of 1861 “Negro labor, under supervision of
state engineers, was immediately committed to the construction of
defensive lines” (18).
Whether free or slave the blacks that worked as laborers
contributed a supporting effort to the war. In the South during the years
between 1861-1865, there was a constant construction of defensive works
designed to repulse attacks by Federal armies. “Without the aid of the Negro the
South never would have been able to last four years in the war” (19).
While the overwhelming
majority of black laborers were common laborers there were some highly
skilled craftsmen. The
conventional laborer provided manpower in the foraging of food, and raw
materials such as coal, iron and timber. “Black artisans provided their
skills in subsequent stages of refinement and processing of commodities
into manufactured items in arsenals, armories, iron works, and machine
shops” (20).
James Brewer described the
five methods used for obtaining black labor: “slaves were offered by their
masters without request for compensation; free Negroes volunteered their
services; Negroes, free and slave, were hired by the Engineer Bureau;
labor was impressed by commanding officers because of the exigencies of
war; and conscription laws were passed by Confederate congress” (21). The Confederate government had to
rely on conscription laws for the last two years of the war because: the
blacks, slave and free knew about the changes of the war (that it had
become one to free them from bondage); and 2) the owners didn’t want to
give up their slaves, due to the hard work that the laborers had to
sustain. III.
Loyalty and
Patriotism
Black Confederate loyalty was pervasive and real. American historians failed to
recognize this loyalty. “By
the summer of 1861 Southern blacks who supported and allied themselves
with the Confederacy were looking to volunteer” (22). Despite the Confederate
government’s refusal to admit blacks in the army, six Southern states did
so otherwise, mostly consisting of state militias. Eyewitness accounts by officers in
the Federal army offer some evidence of African American participation on
the battlefields for the South.
Records show that New York officers on patrol reported they were
attacked near New Market, Virginia, by Confederate cavalry and a group of
700-armed blacks on December 22, 1861. The Northerners killed six of the
blacks before retreating; officers later swore out affidavits that they
were attacked by blacks and later complained: “If they fight with Negroes, why
should we not fight with them too?” (23)
Alfred Bellard, a white
soldier of the 5th NJ Infantry, reported in his memoirs the
shooting of two black Confederate snipers by member’s of the Berdan’s
Sharpshooters in April of 1862.
“One of the Negro Confederates was only wounded, but the
other was killed one afternoon after leaving the security of a
hollow tree (probably to relieve
himself). Two
Confederates
tried to get to his body but were
driven away by the Union
gunfire” (24).
This wasn’t an isolated case.
One of the best marksmen in the Confederacy was an African-American
who outfitted himself in a sniper’s roost in an almost perfect hiding spot
inside a brick chimney from which he proceeded to shoot Yankees at their
nearby camp. Any Union
soldier who dared to come into his range was fired at. Several times the Federalize
called up to the sniper to desert, but the black Confederate ignored their
appeals. This ordeal ended
when a regiment was marched off to fire a volley at the chimney,
eventually putting a bullet through the sniper’s head.
Serving in a military
capacity wasn’t the only way blacks could prove their loyalty to the
Confederacy. Black patriotism
took many forms, “some were sincerely patriotic, others were alarmed
individuals acting on self-preservation and economic interest” (25). There are other prominent cases of
black patriotism among slaves and free men. Many of these people saw their
cause as protecting their homes.
“Despite the hardships of slavery loyal blacks made financial and
material contributions to the Confederacy” (26). In Alabama some slaves brought 60
dollars worth of watermelons to Montgomery to be donated to the soldiers
of that state. A South
Carolina slave was impelled to donate all the money here had saved, which
ended up being 5 dollars.
Some slaves used their talents to raise money for the
Confederacy. The
Confederate Ethiopian Serenaders were one such group. They were a collection of slave
singers “who turned over
profits from some of their shows to the Confederate cause” (27). By doing this, these slaves hoped
the restrictions they lived under I the institution of slavery would be
loosened. It became a custom
for slaves to demonstrate their loyalty by holding balls and concerts to
raise money for the aiding of Southern soldiers and their families.
The 1st Battle
of Manassas offered black Confederate the chance to prove their
loyalty. An English officer,
Arthur Freemantle, describes the story of a slave who had run away to the
Federal line just before the battle began. The slave was recaptured a short
time after the battle ended.
“Two patriotic servants were of the opinion that he should be shot
or hanged as a traitor “ (28).
He was then turned over to these slaves and met a more severe death
than any white man could have given him. These slaves did this out of
patriotism and these servants probably also felt threatened by a runaway
slave. They knew that a
runaway was a threat to their freedom as servants and soldiers. They wanted to show the white
soldiers in the army that they weren’t anything like this runaway. They achieved that goal by
violently killing him. IV.
Why were blacks
loyal?
The motivation of black Confederates was to protect their homeland
with a faith of what the future could be. By 1860 there were 500,000 free
blacks in the United States, the vast majority in the South. Slaves knew freedom was attainable
from the sight of free blacks in their communities. They knew some has been freed
through manumission, while others purchased their freedom by working side
jobs. Blacks Confederates and
African Americans had to position themselves in case the South won the
ear. They had to prove they
were patriots in the anticipation their future would be better. From this risk of their display of
unequivocal patriotism they hoped to be rewarded. Most black Confederates were not
given an opportunity to serve in the front line as soldiers. But they did what they could as
loyal civilians.
Why would blacks support,
and possibly want to fight for, the Confederacy? One is money. The pay rate for the laborers was
greater than that of the white soldier’s pay rate. The black laborers were paid 30
dollars a month while the Confederate soldiers made only 11 dollars. By volunteering their service to
the South these blacks earned enough money for themselves and their
families back home. Blacks,
both free and slave, were able to make more money by trading whiskey,
food, horses and other possessions they might steal through their foraging
missions. There is a story of
a servant who was captured by the Yankees, stole two horses, and got back
to his Confederate line. When
he got back he sold one horse for fifty dollars and kept the other one for
himself.
“The quest for freedom
also played a great role in black Confederate decisions” (29). With good service to the master or
to the Southern cause, there was the hope of being manumitted after the
war. Slaves also knew the
army life offered them a chance for adventure and an opportunity to get
away from the drudgery of plantation work. Like many of the white men who
volunteered and fought in the war because of strong regional pride, the
local attachment blacks felt prompted them to come to the aide of the
Confederacy.
Blacks placed their lives
in danger for a country and its cause; a cause which many Americans would
not expect blacks to support.
Slaves and free blacks joined for different reasons. The Louisiana free blacks stated
in a letter written to the New Orleans’ Daily Delta:
“The free colored population love their home, their
property, their own slaves and recognize no other country
than Louisiana, and
are ready to shed their blood for her
defense. They have no
sympathy for Abolitionism; no love for the North, but they have plenty for Louisiana.” Prosperous free blacks realized that a Union
victory would bring about destruction to their economy, the basis of their
livelihood, which gave them their special status. “Free blacks knew where
their loyalties lay when the war started because they stood to lose the
status they enjoyed as free people” (30). Any well-to-do freeman probably
prized his wealth and standing, and deplored anyone who would endanger
it. The slaves who felt
compelled to volunteer for the South did so because they hoped it would
improve their status after the war.
They knew if the North won they would probably be freed, but if the
South won, they would have to show support during the war if they had
hopes of being freed.
V.
The Debate: Black Soldiers
During the war the Confederacy’s question of making a soldier out
of the black, slave and free, received considerable attention. In the beginning of the war many
of the Southern states made provisions for placing blacks at the disposal
of the state governments.
“The Tennessee legislature passed an act in June, 1861, authorizing
the governor, at his discretion to receive into the military service of
the State all male free persons of color, between the ages of fifteen and
fifty, or such numbers as may be necessary who may be capable of actual
service” (31). The governor
was also authorized to press free blacks into services if a sufficient
number was not met.
Early in the year there
began in the Southern armies a discussion of enlisting slaves as
soldiers. Lt. General Hardee
called their corps and division commanders, of the Western Campaign, to
meet at General Johnston’s Headquarters on the night of January 2,
1863. There they were
presented with a plan by Major General Pat Cleburne, who was urging the
enlistment and arming of the slaves, with freedom as a reward for their
service. After President
Davis received a copy of this memorandum he replied, “deeming it to be
injurious of the public service that such subject should be mooted or even
known to entertain by persons possessed of confidence and respect of the
people. If it be kept out of
the public journal its ill effect will be much lessened” (32).
Perhaps the most effective
argument against putting the slaves in the ranks was that it laid the
South open to charges of hypocrisy.
It was known that slavery was one of the basic principles of the
Confederacy. “The primary
justification for slavery had been that it was in the interest of both
blacks and whites because of the blacks inferiority and incapability to
care for themselves” (33). To
arm the slaves in the Confederacy would be a reversal on its position
completely. If the salves
were freed by the Confederate Government-and it was agreed that arming the
slaves would probably entail freeing them-then another basic principle of
the Confederacy was disregarded.
One of the main reasons for secession was their firm belief in
states rights over that of a central government. If the Confederate government
stepped in and freed the slaves for faithful service, instead of
individual states, than it would be guilty of breaking their
constitutional rights.
By the summer of 1863 the
victories had begun to shift to the northern armies. Within one week the Confederacy
suffered devastating defeats at Vicksburg and Gettysburg. The momentum of war was being sung
into the Unions direction.
Hood’s crushing defeat in Tennessee, Sherman’s destructive march
through Georgia, and the threatened collapse of the whole military effort
left the Confederacy in need of reinforcements. The Southern armies were being
depleted. “There were
‘exceptions’, the ‘detailed men’, the numerous state militias and there
were the slaves. Before
Christmas of 1864 was over, President Davis had come to the opinion that
arming the salves was a good idea” (34).
Meanwhile, William Smith,
the Governor of Virginia, took up the subject with his legislators
suggesting that Virginia should arm its slaves for its defense by offering
freedom as slaves’ reward.
“With two hundred thousand Negro soldiers already in the Union
army, the Governor asked, “can we hesitate, can we doubt, when the
question is, whether the enemy shall use our slaves against us or we use
them against him (the North); when the question may be between liberty and
independence o one hand or our own subjugation and utter ruin on the
other?” (35)
The majority of those who
advocated enlisting the slaves were of the opinion that such a step would
mean giving them their freedom.
This was met with great opposition. Though this should not have been a
deterring factor. Given that
“slavery was already an expiring condition in the South; that emancipation
was already an accomplished fact if the Federalize succeeded; that the
situation was such that a choice had to be made between the loss of
independence and the loss of property in slaves; that it was far better
for the Southerner to give up the Negro slave than be a slave himself”
(36).
The matter immediately
became the foremost topic of discussion in the whole South by the fall of
1864. General Lee was asked
for his view and on January 11, 1865 he spoke out clearly for the arming
of slaves-which he believed should be accompanied by a gradual and general
emancipation.
“It is the enemy’s avowed policy to
convert the
able-bodied men among them into
soldiers, and to
emancipate all. His progress will destroy slavery
in
a manner most pernicious to the
welfare of our people…Whatever maybe the effect of our
employing Negro troops, it cannot be as mischievous as this…I think,
therefore, we must decide whether slavery
shall be extinguished by our enemies and the slaves
used against us, or use them ourselves at the risk of the
effects which
may be produced upon our social
institutions…”
“…The best means of securing the
efficiency and fidelity
of this auxiliary force would be to
accompany the measure
with a well digested plan of
gradual and general emancipation.
As that will be the result of the
continuance of this war,
and will certainly occur if the
enemy succeeds,it seems to
be most advisable to adopt at
once. Every day’s delay
increases the difficulty”
(37).
Finally, a little more than a month before the war ended, the
Confederates began to enlist blacks as soldiers in the army. “Steps were immediately taken
toward recruiting and organizing the slaves and free blacks” (38). It was too late; the South had
waited too long to enlist blacks into their army. When the war broke out many
blacks, slave and free, wanted to position themselves with the winning
side to better position themselves after the war. In the winter of 1864-65 it was
evident that the South was going to lose the war. That is why recruiting the blacks
was so difficult. If the
Confederate Government had acted on the initial enthusiasm displayed by
blacks then things probably would have been different in 1865. VI.
Blacks’ contribution
to the Southern War effort
It is often forgotten that while slavery was among the major causes
of the Civil War, its abolition was not the original goal of the
North. President Lincoln
sated he didn’t want to interfere with slavery in the states where it
already existed. Many Federal
soldiers felt the same way, proclaiming if the war was one turned into a
fight for abolitionism they would stop fighting. Faced with this attitude from the
North black Southerners had no reason but to be loyal to their homes. “The slaves had nothing to gain
form a Union victory, and free black men might actually stand to lose such
rights and property they already had” (39).
Thus instead of revolts
among the blacks, slaves and free, as many Northerners predicted, some
became possessed with a war fervor that was stimulated by the white
response. “The Negro who
boasted of his desire to fight the Yankees the loudest; who showed the
greatest anxiety to aid the Confederates, was granted the most freedom and
received the approval of his community” (40).
The readiness with which
some blacks responded should only be surprising to those who are
unfamiliar with the true feelings of slaves. Their only hope was to someday be
free. “One thing that
impressed the blacks greatly was the failure of Denmark Vesey, Nat Turner,
and John Brown, whose e fate was held up to them as the fate of all who
tried to free the slaves or free themselves” (41). Therefore it should not be
surprising to see blacks that sprang at the chance to dig trenches and
assist in any way possible for the South.
To better comprehend these
people we should understand that most people do things for immediate
reasons and not abstract ones.
Instead of revolts among the blacks, slave and free, as predicted
by some, many became possessed of a fervor –originating in fear-which was
stimulated by an enthusiasm of the white population. “The gaily decked cities; the
flags, bunting and streamers of all colors; the mounted cavalry; the
artillery trains with brazen cannons drawn by sturdy steeds; followed by
regiments of infantry in brilliant uniforms, with burnished muskets,
glittering bayonets and beautiful plumes; all these scenes greatly
interested and delighted the Negro, and it was filling the cup of many
with ecstasy to the brim, to be allowed to connect themselves, even in the
most menial way, with the demonstrations” (42). Blacks saw first hand what was
going on. They knew they had
an opportunity to better themselves, which was all many of them really
wanted. When the war broke
out everybody thought it was going to be over quickly. Slaves and free blacks knew this
too, which is why many of them displayed an enthusiasm that was gone by
1863, when the South began to lose the war. Endnotes 1.
New York Herald, July 11, 1863. 2.
Bell Wiley, Southern Negroes, p. 247. 3.
Ervin Jordan, Black Confederates and Afro-Yankees, p. 218. 4.
New Orleans Daily Delta, from Walter Williams article. 5. Wiley, p. 148. 6.
Jordan, p. 185. 7.
Wiley, p. 66. 8.
Wiley, p. 64. 9.
Wiley, p. 144. 10.
Wiley, p. 137. 11.
Wiley, p. 138. 12.
New Orleans Daily Crescent, from Jordan’s Black Confederates. 13.
Wiley, p. 139. 14.
Richmond Whig, from Jordan’s Black Confederates. 15.
Jordan, p. 186. 16.
James Brewer, the Confederate Negro, p. 135. 17.
Joseph Wilson, The Black Phalanx, p. 103. 18.
Brewer, p. 132. 19.
Wilson, p. 460. 20.
Brewer, p. 165. 21.
Brewer, p. 140. 22.
Jordan, p. 222. 23.
Jordan, p. 217. 24.
Alfred Bellard, Gone for a Soldier, p. 56 25.
Jordan, p. 235. 26.
J.K. Obatala, “The unlikely story of blacks who were loyal to
Dixie”, p. 94. 27.
Obatala, p. 96. 28.
Jordan, p. 236. 29.
Obatala, p. 100. 30.
Author Bergeron, Free men of color in grey, p. 254. 31.
Wiley, p. 147. 32.
Robert Henry, The story of the Confederacy, p. 380. 33.
Wilson, p. 485. 34.
Henry, p. 382. 35.
Henry, p. 388. 36.
Wiley, p. 153. 37.
Henry, p. 440. 38.
Wilson, p. 487. 39.
Bergeron, p. 249. 40.
Wilson, p. 483. 41.
Wilson, p. 484. 42.
Wilson, p. 484-85. Bibliography:
Bellard, Alfred, Gone for a Soldier: The Civil War Memoirs of Private
Alfred Bellard. Boston,
1975. Bergeron, Arthur. “Free Men of Color in Grey”. Civil War History. 32, 1986: 247-255. Brewer, James. Confederate Negro: Virginia’s
Craftsmen and Military Laborers.
Duke, 1969. Henry, Robert. The Story of the Confederacy. New York, 1911. Jordan, Ervin L. Blacks Confederates and
Afro-Yankees in Civil War Virginia.
University of Virginia, 1995. Obatala, J.K. “The Unlikely Story of Blacks Who
Were Loyal to Dixie”.
Smithsonian, March 1979:
94-101. Wiley, Bell. Southern Negroes; 1861-1865. Yale, 1938. |